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Full text of "Poland Russia and Great Britain 1941-1945"

not recognise a Government which we did not think representative. The
addition of one or two Ministers would not meet our views. It must be,
or as far as it can be made, representative of the Polish parties as they are
known, and include representative national Polish figures. That is what
we mean. There is only one consideration—I do not think we could call
it more than that—that we would ask of the new Polish Government;
, that is that they would enter into a treaty of friendship and alliance with
Russia. I do not think that anybody would think that unreasonable
because at the same time that Government would have treaties of friendship
and alliance with us and the French Government,
The ^econd question was, do we favour the establishment of machinery
for Allied supervision of elections ? That was a question which was also
discussed. The Greek Government have asked for such supervision. . . .
It may be., if and when this new Polish Government is formed, that they
will also ask for international supervision. I hope so. If they do then we
shall certainly be prepared to join in it. ... I must repeat and make plain
exactly the position about recognition. I hold the House out no pledge.
No one can be certain how it is going to work out, but we hope that the
discussions in Moscow will be attended by representative Poles from inside
Poland and from outside Poland and that as a result of those conversations
a thoroughly representative Polish Government will come into being.
If it does and if it is., in the words of the communique, cc properly
constituted/' then we and our Allies will recognise that government as the
provisional government of Poland—provisional until the elections take
place. If it does not come into being then we remain as we are to-day,
we and the United States recognising the Government in London and the
Soviet Government recognising, I presume, the Government in Lublin.
... I come to a criticism made by rny hon. Friend the Member for
Penryn and Falmouth (Mr. Petherick) who maintained that, in the course
which we have jointly agreed, we have in some way violated the Anglo-
Polish Agreement of 1939, and he referred to a secret Protocol in this
connection. I can assure my hon. Friend that his fears are entirely
unfounded. There is nothing in the Anglo-Polish Treaty, or in any other
document, which guarantees the frontiers of Poland. The Government
of 1939 gave the House, of course, full information about the Treaty but,
quite rightly, they went further than this and made clear the effect of the
secret Protocol from which my hon. Friend quoted. I must read to the
House the reply given ... to a Parliamentary Question on the 19th
October, 1939, asking whether the references to aggression by a European
Power in the Anglo-Polish Agreement were intended to cover the case of
aggression by Powers other than Germany including Russia, and my
right hon. Friend replied :
cc No, Sir.    During the negotiations which led up to the signature of
the agreement, it was understood between the Polish Government and
His Majesty's Government that the agreement should only cover the case
of aggression by Germany, and the Polish Government confirm that
this is so."
That is the exact position of the Agreement. There was no question
whatever of any engagement having been made about the Eastern frontiers
at that time or at any other time.
Mr. Petherick : May I interrupt the right hon. Gentleman ? He is
referring only to the main Treaty of mutual assistance. I asked about a
Protocol of which I read out an extract and it was perfectly plain. I will
do it again if he likes. Clause 3 of the secret Protocol says :
c< The undertakings mentioned in Article 6 of the agreement, should
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